The signing of the Charter of Paris in November 1990 sealed the end of the East-West conflict and heralded a »new era of democracy, peace, and unity« in Europe. Contemporary observers such as the U.S. political scientist Francis Fukuyama interpreted this development as the »end of history« and assumed that liberal principles such as democracy and the market economy would soon prevail worldwide as the dominant model of social order. We find ourselves in a period of upheaval characterized by increasing uncertainty and an erosion of shared rules.

The European Union is founded on the idea that states cooperate peacefully across borders on a lasting basis, guided by established rules, and establish common institutions that fairly balance the diverse interests of these states. Progressive actors interpret this as a commitment to the equitable distribution of wealth and a sustainable economy that safeguards the ecosystems on which economic activity depends.

The renegotiation of standards of justice cannot proceed without a return to standards of equality. A reference to socialist theory illustrates how we can clarify what is being negotiated and how justice and equality will measure up to future challenges.

The latest geopolitical upheavals – from the attacks by the U.S. and Israel against Iran, to the abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, to the war crimes committed by Israel in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank – have reignited a fundamental debate: What is the value of international law if the most powerful actors on the world stage ignore it?

Autocrats no longer have to fear sanctions when they violate fundamental liberal values. On the contrary, the Trump administration openly backs illiberal forces in Western democracies and happily cooperates with authoritarian rulers. The turn away from economic integration signifies that the central assumption of the democratic peace – that more cooperation makes conflicts among countries less likely – has been abandoned. China would like to revise the hierarchy of human rights: Liberal political rights should play second fiddle to economic and social rights. Thus, the heaven of liberal values lies in ruins.

What will become of Gaza? Where is the Palestinian conflict headed in the wake of Donald Trump’s »peace plans?« »It’s better to avoid prophecies, especially ones about the future.« We have heard such advice many times regarding the political prospects in the Middle East. And these days there is reason to be cautious. Given that the cease-fire is barely holding, that there are numerous »spoilers« around (also known as saboteurs), and that the American president is subject to mood swings, predictions must be taken with a grain of salt. Usually, they come either from wishful thinking or conceivable scenarios of failure.

France has been in a political crisis for several months. The surest evidence for it is that three prime ministers have been appointed during the last six months. The penultimate government held office for a mere 14 hours. The majority of the French people are by no means indifferent to this state of affairs. In an opinion survey published in October, 2025 by the opinion research institute Cevipof, 53% of respondents said they felt »ashamed« about the political situation, while 43% claimed to be »furious.« The established parties have been discredited, which, in years to come, might increase the likelihood that the far-right National Rally (Rassemblement National) will be victorious, since more and more French voters now consider it to be capable of governing.

We are experiencing an epoch-making break with the past. The former rules-based international order is eroding as the basis for cooperation among nations. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the increasing pressure exerted by authoritarian regimes and actors with authoritarian tendencies, assorted global crises, and the aftereffects of the coronavirus pandemic all have acted as accelerants intensifying the drift toward a multipolar order with all of its attendant insecurities and untimeliness. Thus, it makes perfect sense that the more intensive interconnectedness of foreign, security, and development policies should provide a strategic triad for Germany’s relations with other countries. At the same time, international expectations concerning Germany are on the rise.

hope represents a fundamental motif of human existence, as seen from a variety of different perspectives – religious, sociological, and historical. It sustains us through crises, nourishes visions of a better future, and functions as an internal stimulus for action and patience. Today, the question is being posed anew: Can religion still offer hope in a world pervaded by technology, science, and digitalization, or must such hope be sought in technology itself?

We can and must defend and secure our freedom against the economic and social consequences of climate change. The social democratic signature on environmental and climate policy becomes clearest when ecology and economics are viewed as two sides of the same coin and when we place our hopes on what binds us together as we try to overcome social divisions.

Is there a European culture? Can there be one at all? And: what would it even mean to want to forge a European identity based on culture? Today and in the future such questions are more than simply fodder for bored salon chatter. After all, Europe can participate in the geopolitical circle dance only if Europe really exists. The burden of proof for that is not trivial.

The confusing flip-flopping in Trump’s »tariff policy« over the past few weeks and months has set off alarms bells in Europe and other parts of the world. At the same time, it has aroused a host of economic experts, whether alleged or real, who know what should be done to save »free world trade,« and take the wind out of the sails of the arch-isolationist in the White House.

Progressives have some open questions that they too will need to clarify. In an age skeptical of progress, what does »progressive« mean? To what extent did supposedly progressive politics contribute to the negative mood swing in this country? What should its goals be in the future, and how will those goals translate into specific contents and preferences? What paths can be imagined and which of those are realistic? How can the power of society be mobilized once again outside of existing institutions? It is time to begin those debates

Unquestionably, the surrender of the German military on May 8, 1945 (known as V-E Day) marks one of the most critical turning points in recent −especially German − history. This holds true even though various kinds of historical caesuras, whether political, cultural, economic, or social, are not necessarily synchronized. The very next day, May 9, the new sovereigns, the victorious Allied powers, legally extinguished all traces of German rule in order to accomplish their jointly proclaimed goal of completely destroying National Socialism and preventing its revival.

The international order, created in the aftermath of the Second World War and undergirded by the Law of Nations, is falling apart. In its place the old-fashioned law of the jungle has been gaining ground. Might makes right, and the strong take whatever they like.

Recently, however, the head offices of German industrial firms have been sending mostly messages of gloom and doom. The specter of deindustrialization is haunting Germany! And these are not just swan songs in the media. There are real dangers afoot for what is still the world’s third-largest economy. Since 2017, we have witnessed continuing weakness in industrial production. By now many people have recognized the seriousness of the situation and are urging resolute action. There is hardly any dissension when it comes to the goal; nevertheless, two controversial topics remain: what concrete steps to take to counter the risks of deindustrialization and which instruments might be best suited to accomplish that.

»The numbers have to come down.« This is the mantra we have been hearing for over a year now in response to the persistently high numbers of new arrivals in Germany seeking asylum. Nearly all political actors from one end of the country to the other have joined in the chorus. The EU-wide agreement on the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), reached in May of 2024, promised quick relief from the perceived migration problem. Nevertheless, political actors – and not just those in Germany – have been falling all over themselves to offer ever more new proposals for tightening and regimenting the entry system.

In just a few weeks Donald Trump will be inaugurated as the 47th president of the United States of America. What will the consequences be? How do we make sense of and respond to what is happening in the USA right now? At the moment, it feels like we are on board a train headed at breakneck speed toward a black hole without knowing what is inside it, even though we may hazard a lot of guesses. A personal experience report.

The nation-state represents a special kind of correspondence between the state and the people it governs. Moreover, it is based on a clearly demarcated territory that both actors – the state aThat is, they function within an intended, practiced, and experiential context in which historical tales, myths, and memories as well as (usually) a common language, shared culture, and norms are central.nd its people – claim as their own. Furthermore, state and nation are linked by a national culture. Our author gives an outline of the concept of the nation from the internal formation of nations in the 19th century to the present day.

Pen International’s charter reads as follows: »Members of PEN should at all times use what influence they have in favor of good understanding and mutual respect between nations and people; they pledge themselves to do their utmost to dispel all hatreds and to champion the ideal of one humanity living in peace and equality in one world.« The French sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, described intellectuals as people who use »their competence in the autonomous field of culture (to) intervene critically in support of universal values.« This description epitomizes the classical understanding of intellectuals‹ role as incorruptible advocates of freedom and justice who use their privileged access to the public sphere to assist those who lack such options.

Starting in January of 2025, Trump will be prepared to launch a trade war with half the world. His campaign slogan, »America First,« is simultaneously the core of his program for governing. More than anything else, Trump wants to protect the American economy and American jobs. However, that strategy can work only if foreign competitors are handicapped in U.S. markets.

We like to wish each other good health, but the truth is that 60% of the people who live in Germany no longer trust the existing health-care system. My therapeutic strategy is to rethink and totally reconstruct health and the health care system.

Democracy depends on the relevant actors' ability to compromise, i.e. on their enlightened self-interest in cooperation and bargaining. For decades democratic politics have been accompanied by background music: chiefly, the lament that it is hardly possible to implement »ambitious« policies within the existing structures of federal, parliamentary democracy.

It is for Ukraine alone to decide whether – and if so to what extent – it is willing to make territorial concessions to achieve an armistice, peace negotiations, and hopefully a stable peace following this dreadful war. In a communique issued on March 29, 2022, Ukraine already has taken a position on that question, declaring itself willing to guarantee its permanent neutrality, meaning that it would not join NATO.

The world of financial policymaking has changed a lot since November, 2023. On that date the Federal Constitutional Court declared that it was unconstitutional for the government to take money from the Climate and Transformation Fund (CTF) and apply it ex post facto to a different purpose. Their ruling also had retroactive force, making previous repurposing of such funds null and void. As a result of this harsh verdict, the financial strategy of the Federal Government for the coming year has collapsed under its own weight. So far it has not recovered from the blow and at this point it is hard to foresee how and when it might.

The year 2024 began with a bombshell dropped on society that overwhelmed CORRECTIV’S investigations team, but did much more than that. For months, millions of people in Germany took a stand in favor of democracy and against right-wing extremism. The occasion for this movement was the publication of a document entitled Secret Plan against Germany, an investigative report on the meeting near Potsdam that brought together far-right radicals, high-ranking AfD politicians, and the donors who sustain them.

The rise of far-right populism and the democratic mobilization of the socio-political center – are outcomes of a German-German history of democracy, one shared in a dual sense. It began far earlier than 1990; in fact, it dates back to 1949 and even beyond. The two developments are better understood and categorized more intelligently in political terms if one takes fuller account of – indeed even begins to conceptualize – this divided democratic history of the longue durée.

Masculinity has become a target of critique. At least since the ongoing #MeToo movement got underway, the concept of »toxic masculinity« has become firmly embedded in our vocabulary. Discarding old images of masculinity has the potential to empower men, too. Transformation is not easy, but there is hope for the future. The most powerful leverage that these pioneers of new masculinity have is the role they play as fathers of the next generation. Fathers who are emotionally accessible, communicative, and caring will raise a new generation of men (and women). .

Concern is rising, particularly in scientific, creative, and artistic circles, that human labor power might become redundant or even be replaced entirely. But at the same time the technology behind AI is the outcome of innovative scientific procedures. So how should the relationship between AI and science be conceived? Will the »parents« soon fall victim to their own »child«?

Many people consider the rise of right-wing extremism within the party to be less and less problematic.  They regard the AfD as a party like any other despite its drift toward extremism. Such research results make clear that two parallel trends have been taking place. On one hand, the party has been radicalized from within – a tendency apparent in the classification of several state-level parties as »definitely right-wing extremist«; on the other hand, the party has been »normalized« for the general public. What has to be done.

Towards the end of the previous century, social democracy was a powerful force. Within the time span of just one generation, its standing seems to have crumbled. Center-left parties struggle to convince the electorate.

Despite the ideological claims of neoclassical economists, the capitalist system is not neutral, but perpetuates systemic bias against women.

The history of capitalism is the story of its transformations. As Jürgen Kocka writes, capitalism emerged in merchant, finance, and agrarian forms long before it developed into industrial capitalism in the course of the eighteenth century.

At least as a general rule, a ceasefire must be in place before peace can be concluded. The ceasefire must be accompanied by a preliminary consensus about how the outlines of a peace agreement should look.

The traffic light coalition (SPD, Greens and FDP) has a lot on its plate. Its self-proclaimed goal is to put into effect an ambitious policy of progress following the stagnation of the Merkel years.

Intergenerational solidarity could prove crucial in addressing such challenges.

Democracy asks a lot of us. It is long-winded, often boring, and tedious. Decisions take a long time; compromises can be reached, but not easily; and often enough they fall short of what actually is necessary. Discontent with democracy runs deep, but is not just a recent phenomenon.

The faculty of judgment combines the willingness to make judgments with the capacity to do so. Both factors must be present for the power of political judgment to deserve the name. For that reason, we should not take it for granted that the faculty of judgment is actually present in any given citizen body.

Access to resources and energy are indispensable to any sort of civilized intervention and are of elementary importance for social inclusion as well. If access becomes a matter of affordability, society will soon face a stress test.