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Trilateral Commission think tank, and the author of the recently published book *The Narcissistic Nation: America, Europe, and the Psychology of Power*.
The question is not whether U.S. democracy, as a formal framework, can be saved. The United States will continue to hold elections, facilitate transfers of power, and preserve its constitutional institutions. The crucial question is rather: What kind of democracy?
Many Europeans hope for a return to that supposedly reasonable middle ground that shaped the postwar political system. This hope underestimates the depth of the social, economic, and psychological changes. Donald Trump is not their cause, but their most visible symptom. His career was made possible because the trust of large segments of the population in institutions, elites, and the system had already been dramatically eroded.
The Social Breeding Ground for Democratic Decline
For decades, the gap between the winners and losers of economic change has been growing. Regions have been left behind; industrial jobs and opportunities for social mobility have been lost. At the same time, many have come to feel that political and economic elites do not take their concerns seriously. Those who feel consistently overlooked lose trust not only in governments but also in democratic processes. This psychological factor is often underestimated in Europe. In the U.S., the issue has long since ceased to be merely about interests, policies, or redistribution; rather, it is about recognition, status, and cultural identity. Politics serves less to solve practical problems than to defend one’s own self-image.
This explains the extraordinary intensity of polarization. Republicans and Democrats increasingly view one another as a threat to their own way of life, rather than as legitimate competitors. When the opponent becomes a morally questionable enemy, compromise loses its foundation. Democracy, however, thrives on accepting defeat and recognizing the legitimacy of the opposing side. The erosion of American democracy therefore runs deeper than individual politicians or parties. It affects the very foundations of democratic self-government. Trust, a sense of community, and balance cannot be mandated; they arise from shared experiences, institutions, and social cohesion. This foundation has become fragile.
Added to this is the fragmentation of the public sphere. In the past, large segments of the population obtained their information from the same media; today, many Americans live in separate information bubbles. Algorithms reinforce beliefs, and social media rewards outrage. Facts lose their significance when groups no longer even perceive the same reality.
At the same time, the political system is proving vulnerable to gridlock. The Constitution was intended to limit power and keep majorities in check. In a highly polarized society, however, these same mechanisms lead to an inability to act. Congress, the president, the courts, and the states find themselves in conflict; the system produces less in the way of solutions than it does frustration and mistrust.
Trump Is a Symptom, Not the Cause
That is why the notion that America’s problems could be solved by a Democratic election victory or Trump’s departure falls short. Even if he were to vanish from the political scene, the societal causes would remain. Polarization is more deeply rooted than the career of a single individual. Trump has accelerated and brought to light developments that began long before him.
»More than just American democracy is on the line.«
Even the pre-Trump era was less stable than it appears today. Long before 2016, polarization, social inequality, and cultural conflicts were on the rise; Congress, the media, and the government were losing public trust. Trump did not upset the postwar order. He succeeded because that balance had already been lost. Moreover, the longing for a return to the past idealizes a past that scarcely existed. The U.S. has always been marked by conflict. What is new is the extent to which social divisions now impair political functionality. What is needed, therefore, is not the restoration of a past model, but a new form of social integration.
The Consequences for Europe and the West
More than just American democracy is being put to the test here. For decades, the United States presented itself as the world’s leading democratic model. This self-image gave it considerable international appeal. If American democracy is permanently perceived as dysfunctional, it will lose its normative power. This carries heavy weight for Europe, because the transatlantic partnership has always been based on shared democratic convictions. The United States will not, therefore, cease to be a democracy. It will hold elections, engage in debate, and govern. But the political culture that many associate with American democracy in the late 20th century cannot be restored. Its social foundations have changed fundamentally.
Not a Return, but a New Beginning
The answer, therefore, is no: U.S. democracy in its pre-Trump form can no longer be saved. Not because America is on the brink of collapse, but because the driving forces of change extend far beyond Trump. The United States does not need to reclaim a lost past, but rather to shape a sustainable democratic future under new social conditions. Therein lies America’s historic test in the 21st century.